Democracy under pressure: Shrinking spaces for youth (association) work in Germany, Europe and worldwide

1 Democracy under pressure: Shrinking spaces as a European and global phenomenon

The room for manoeuvre of civil society organisations in Europe and beyond is becoming increasingly limited. The phenomenon of so-called "shrinking spaces" has taken on drastic proportions.

The process of "shrinking spaces" refers to the loss of influence and scope for civil society organisations due to the (initially) subtle but steadily increasing denial of fundamental rights of citizens and democratic civil society. In many countries, the restriction of freedom of assembly, association and expression means that organisations are hindered in their work, intimidated with threats and defamation campaigns or even attacked with violence. In addition, the use of SLAPP lawsuits (Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation) is increasing, with which NGOs and civil society actors are deliberately paralysed and silenced through legal proceedings. It is no coincidence that the emphasis on "shrinking spaces" is based on the fact that the restriction of civil society is a trend or an ongoing process and that the scope for civil society to act is shrinking ever further. The goals, funding, structures and services of civil society organisations are being interpreted in a one-sided or distorted way by state or state-affiliated actors. Political interference and oppositional representation of interests are portrayed as undesirable transgressions of competences and are hindered or prevented in order to allegedly protect the sovereignty of the state. In some cases, governments have started to finance their own or highly influential interest groups under the guise of civil society (government-organised non-governmental organisation - GONGO). The decision-making processes, criteria and responsibilities for the allocation of funding are often difficult to understand.

Targeted government measures are therefore weakening independent organisations, marginalising critical voices and thus undermining the foundations of a vibrant democracy. However, not only active repression, but also state inaction can lead to mechanisms that hinder the work of civil society, for example through a lack of legal framework conditions, insufficient funding or bureaucratic hurdles that place an excessive burden on organisations. These trends can be observed globally. In some countries, we now have to speak of "closing spaces" or even "closed spaces"[1].

Youth organisations and rings are particularly affected. They offer spaces for participation, political education and social inclusion and play a key role in empowering and encouraging young people to actively shape society. They are places where young people can directly experience and shape democracy. As part of a diverse and democratic civil society, they play an indispensable role in political and social development.

The German Federal Youth Council and its member organisations are committed to ensuring that young people worldwide have the opportunity to represent their interests independently, safely and effectively. Youth organisations and rings are workshops of democracy. Their work must be protected, strengthened and financially secured.

2 Shrinking spaces in the everyday life of our partner organisations

Democracy thrives on critical voices, participation and an independent civil society - not only in Germany, but also in Europe and beyond. However, in many countries, the scope of action of youth organisations and youth rings is being deliberately restricted in order to weaken independent youth representation and push young, especially critical, voices out of political processes. After changes of government involving far-right or increasingly conservative parties, restrictions on youth organisations increase noticeably. The redistribution of public funds, for example in the course of rearmament, also leads to funding for youth participation and political education being cut or cancelled. Budget cuts, restrictive legal frameworks, stigmatisation and, in some regions, even criminal prosecution of civil society involvement threaten the sustainable work of youth organisations. They jeopardise the spaces in which young people learn and live democracy - and thus the substance of democratic societies. Democracy suffers long-term damage if the democratic socialisation of young people is restricted.

In many cases, youth organisations receive no or insufficient funding from their own government and are therefore dependent on alternative funding - often from (democratic) foreign countries. In some countries, however, such funding is defamed by so-called "agent laws" as alleged influence by foreign actors. As a result, youth organisations come under general suspicion, which makes their work even more difficult and calls their legitimacy into question.

Youth associations and rings often have to fall back on alternative sources of funding - be it through project funding, international programmes or private foundations. However, these funds are often insecure, sometimes affected by cuts themselves, limited in time and associated with considerable bureaucratic hurdles. The associated high workload ties up resources that should actually be earmarked for substantive work and supporting young people. In addition, the erosion of democratic structures in Europe and beyond means that public funding is increasingly being restricted or cancelled altogether. This is exacerbating the situation of many youth organisations, which are coming under increasing pressure to maintain their democratic work under precarious conditions.

• In Finland[2], Sweden[3], Estonia[4], the UK[5] and France[6], state subsidies for youth organisations have been significantly reduced or completely discontinued in some cases, or are facing significant cuts. This puts these organisations in an existentially threatening situation and jeopardises their important work for the political participation of young people.
• In Turkey, the government refuses to recognise the Independent Youth Council as a legitimate representative of young people's interests. Without state recognition, it is denied funding and access to political decision-making processes[7].
• In Croatia, the government has established a pro-government youth body in order to weaken the influence of the independent youth organisation MMH and to oust young voices that do not agree with the official line from the public discourse. In addition, the coordination of the EU Youth Dialogue was taken away from MMH[8].
• In Georgia[9] and Hungary, independent youth structures are stigmatised and acutely threatened by "agent laws" and political influence. Their ability to act is drastically restricted.
• In Belarus, the youth organisation RADA[10] is systematically criminalised, its work is prohibited and its activists are exposed to massive personal risks through criminal prosecution.

3 The situation in Germany: financial, political and physical threats

Youth organisations and rings are also coming under pressure in Germany. Despite the legal entitlement enshrined in Section 12 of Book Eight of the German Social Code (SGB VIII), youth association work is not guaranteed at a national level. Debates on cuts, such as those at federal level in 2023 and most recently at state level in federal states such as Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, as well as in many local authorities and youth education centres, are threatening free spaces for young people and destabilising structures for democratic participation. A lack of skilled labour, bureaucratic hurdles and rigid funding conditions make it difficult for associations to do their work, especially in rural areas. On top of this, extreme right-wing strategies are defaming and pressurising youth association work.

The myth of the "neutrality requirement"[11] for civil society is often used as a strategy to discredit the work of youth organisations and civil society engagement. Increasingly, we are also seeing the threat or implied possibility of an investigation by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution[12] as a further means of placing civil society organisations under general suspicion. Questioning the funding of civil society organisations, for example by means of parliamentary questions, is now not only coming from right-wing extremist actors[13], but also from parties that previously saw themselves as being represented in the centre of society[14].

This further jeopardises the structural strengthening and independent work of civil society organisations. In principle, the interest in traceability in the use of public funds is justified; however, it must not lead to civil society organisations being placed under blanket suspicion or their work being delegitimised.

In addition, physical threats, especially from right-wing extremist circles, are also increasing against those involved: Activists are followed on their way home, youth workers report direct threats and situations of physical intimidation. These experiences make it clear that it is by no means always safe for young people to get involved in civil society. In addition, young people from marginalised groups are particularly affected by threats[15].

Youth associations and rings and other parts of civil society currently have to invest considerable resources in standing up to these insecurity strategies, cutback scenarios and delegitimisation campaigns. The strengthening of stable networks, the protection of volunteers and full-time staff and the implementation of other resilience strategies tie up the resources of civil society, depriving them of energy for their actual work and yet are more necessary than ever.

4 Interfaces at European level

Similar developments can be seen at European level: On the one hand, Erasmus+ offers young people in Europe opportunities for personal, professional and political development as well as opportunities for encounters and participation. Youth organisations that have no public funding often also benefit from the mobility programme and can finance projects with Erasmus+ funds.

At the same time, however, the funding of civil society organisations is also being called into question at European level. In line with the small questions at national level, the European Parliament uses the instrument of the "Parliamentary Question"[16]. We are observing that far-right forces, such as those from the Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN) group, are networking across Europe and adapting national strategies. It is striking that conservative actors are also increasingly adopting elements of far-right rhetoric and thus contributing to a further aggravation of the political climate. At the instigation of the EPP Group[17], a Scrutiny Working Group for NGO Funding was set up in the European Parliament's Committee on Budgetary Control (CONT) to scrutinise the current status of NGO funding, particularly in the areas of the environment and climate change.

This initiative is a building block in the narrative of far-right, anti-democratic forces that civil society organisations act as an "extended arm" of so-called "elites". This initiative is part of a worrying tendency to systematically question the integrity of civil society organisations at both European and national level. Under the pretext of necessary transparency, their sources of funding are being scrutinised, combined with the insinuation that civil society actors are merely mouthpieces of state agencies or even foreign agents of influence due to their dependence on funding.

Youth organisations are attacked in particular if they have a pro-European, democratic or human rights defence mandate. The attacks relate less to actual mismanagement than to the legitimacy and political orientation of the sponsored organisations. Young civil society involvement is thus discredited and placed under general suspicion. For example, an amendment tabled by members of the ECR Group to the draft report of the EU's Committee on Budgetary Control (CONT) on the 2023 budget discharge explicitly disapproved of the funding of "pro-integration activists such as the Young European Federalists"[18]. It is claimed that these funds were used specifically to encourage a "pro-European section of the electorate (the youth) to participate in the 2024 European elections"[19]. This not only discredits a central task of democratic youth education, but also calls into question the legitimacy of young people's political participation.

Youth rings and youth organisations in Europe are experiencing massive encroachments on their independence and ability to act. Actors with authoritarian tendencies that restrict the democratic participation of young people do not stop at national borders, but network at European level. Therefore, a strong European youth representation is needed that protects participation, youth spaces and democratic structures in Europe and stands in solidarity with those who come under pressure.

The community of values of the European Union and the Council of Europe, which is based on human rights and democracy, is increasingly being put to the test. The German Federal Youth Council is in favour of consistently protecting and expanding youth participation, civil society independence and democratic spaces in Europe. Only a strong, independent civil society can ensure a democratic, solidarity-based and human rights-based future for Europe.

5 Needs-based funding as a contribution to democratic resilience

The funding of self-organised, independent youth organisations contributes to democratic resilience and social cohesion. It enables young people to represent their interests independently, take responsibility and actively participate in shaping a just society.

"Shrinking spaces" often manifest themselves subtly through the withdrawal of financial resources: reduced budgets, more difficult application and verification procedures and the lack of reliable structural funding destroy democratic structures that have grown continuously and jeopardise their ability to act.

Against this backdrop, the budgetary situation in Germany and at EU level must be shaped in such a way that civil society organisations are strengthened and their independence is secured - not only in Germany, but throughout Europe and beyond. European youth policy must give young people and their organisations the space to participate freely, safely and effectively[20].

Erasmus+ is a central component of European youth policy and offers young people opportunities to meet and strengthen their democratic competences. To ensure that this remains the case in the future, Erasmus+ must be designed in such a way that it is more youth-friendly, i.e. accessible at a low threshold and with less bureaucracy, and open to youth organisations. In order to enable as many young people as possible to participate in the programme, the budget for EU youth mobility programmes needs to be increased fivefold[21].

Additional contributions from Germany and other member states to the Council of Europe's youth department are necessary in order to sustainably secure the work of the European Youth Foundation as an independent funding organisation. The EYF is an indispensable instrument for strengthening independent youth structures and multilateral cooperation in Europe, especially in countries where democratic spaces are under pressure. It enables youth organisations to continue their work for democracy, human rights and participation independently of state influence[22].

6. take a stand: Youth organisation work as part of democratic resilience

Youth organisations and youth rings are not neutral actors, but stand unequivocally for democratic values, human rights, diversity and participation. They are places where democracy is practised, where young people learn to take responsibility, help shape democratic processes and stand up for a society based on solidarity.

In times of increasing threats from right-wing extremism and authoritarian parties, it is more important than ever to live this attitude visibly and actively. Youth organisations are safe spaces in which diversity is lived and participation is made possible - regardless of (ascribed) characteristics such as origin, gender, religion or social status.

Youth organisation work is not a "nice-to-have", but a supporting pillar of democratic resilience and social participation. It helps young people to develop trust in democratic processes and experience themselves as effective. This work is invaluable for the present and future of our democracy and must not be put up for discussion.

In order to fulfil their role, youth organisations need reliable and adequate funding, structural strengthening, political support and independence from state influence. Strengthening youth organisations and their structures is a necessary contribution to promoting democratic resilience and an open society.

However, this independence is not only reflected in political commitments, but must also be reflected in the practical framework conditions of state funding. So-called "release clauses", which are increasingly being used in funding decisions and require a preliminary review of the content of publications, go beyond specifications on the use of funds or the correct use of programme logos and encroach on the freedom of the funding bodies to shape content and communication. These encroachments on the autonomy of the funding organisations shift the relationship between project funding based on partnership and the awarding of contracts based on content. Particularly in programmes that are intended to strengthen democratic culture, political education or civic engagement, such a practice clearly contradicts the claim to promote independent and pluralistic structures.

Democracy thrives on the commitment of young people and the freedom for self-organised action. These freedoms cannot be taken for granted: "shrinking spaces" threaten them - and therefore the substance of our democracy. Clear commitments and concrete measures are therefore needed to secure funding and strengthen young people's political participation. This is the only way to ensure that the democratic voice of young people remains loud.

[1] See DBJR. Position "Political education in youth association work - recognise, value, develop!". October 2020, available online at: https://www.dbjr.de/fileadmin/Positionen/2020/2020-DBJR-POSITION-vv-PolitischeBildung.pdf

[2] Nuorisoala, "Anna Munsterhjelm: Hallitus sahaa nyt oksia omasta puustaan", Nuorisoala. 16.04.2025. Available online at: https://nuorisoala.fi/blogit/hallitus-sahaa-nyt-oksia-omasta-puustaan/

[3] LSU, "Öppet brev till LSU och den svenska ungdomsrörelsen", LSU. 03.02.2025. Available online at: https://lsu.se/nyhet/oppet-brev-till-lsu-och-dev-svenska-ungdomsrorelsen/

[4] Eesti Noorte - Ühenduste Liit, "Noortevaldkonna avaliku pöördumise faktileht", Eesti Noorte - Ühenduste Liit. Unknown date. Available online at: https://enl.ee/noortevaldkonna-avalik-poordumine-faktileht/

[5] Harle, E, "British Youth Council announces closure after 75 years", ThirdSector. 22.03.2024. Available online at: https://www.thirdsector.co.uk/british-youth-council-announces-closure-75-years/management/article/1866322

[6] Le Mouvement Associatif, "Santé financière des associations : une situation plus qu'alarmante", CNAJEP. 29.10.2025. Available online at: https://www.cnajep.asso.fr/actualites/et-aussi/sante-financiere-des-associations-une-situation-plus-qualarmante/

[7] Ceylan, C. and Bilgic, C.C. (2025) Between repression and resilience. Beyond, 2025 (1), p. 28, available online at: https://www.dbjr.de/fileadmin/Publikationen/2025/beyond_01_2025-rz-web.pdf

[8] MMH, "Za Dijalog tražimo...DIJALOG!". MMH. 18.07.2025. Available online at: https://www.mmh.hr/vijesti/za-dijalog-trazimo-dijalog

[9] Shakarashvili, N. (2025) We want to be part of the European family, p. 27, available online at: https://www.dbjr.de/fileadmin/Publikationen/2025/beyond_01_2025-rz-web.pdf

[10] RADA, "'RADA' included in the list of 'Extremist Formations' in Belarus". RADA. 23.09.2024. Available online at: https://en.rada.fm/2024/09/23/rada-included-in-the-list-of-extremist-formations-in-belarus/

[11] See AdB/ DBJR, publication "Mythos Neutralitätsgebot. A handout". May 2024. available online at: https://www.dbjr.de/fileadmin/PDFtmp/Handreichung-Neutralitaet-DBJR-AdB-2024.pdf

[12] German Bundestag (21/2816). Minor interpellation by MPs Martin Hess, Matthias Rentzsch, Dr Gottfried Curio, Dr Bernd Baumann, Christopher Drößler, Jochen Haug, Steffen Janich, Sascha Lensing, Markus Matzerath, Arne Raue, Dr Christian Wirth and the AfD parliamentary group: "Überprüfung zivilgesellschaftlicher Organisationen durch das Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz". 13.11.2025. Available online at: https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/21/028/2102816.pdf

[13] German Bundestag (21/2583). Minor interpellation by Lukas Rehm, Dr Michael Espendiller, Raimond Scheirich, Achim Köhler, Bernd Schuhmann, Birgit Bessin, Gerrit Huy, Jan Feser, Johann Martel, Peter Bohnhof, Robert Teske, Thomas Stephan and the AfD parliamentary group: "Förderung für soziale und zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen in den Bundeshaushalten". 05.11.2025. Available online at: https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/21/025/2102583.pdf

[14] German Bundestag (20/15035). Minor interpellation by the CDU/CSU parliamentary group: "Political neutrality of state-funded organisations". 24.02.2025. Available online at: https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/20/150/2015035.pdf

[15] See Leber, T., Mertens, F., & Küpper, B. (2024). Threats to civil society democracy work. BMBF funding line "Current and historical dynamics of right-wing extremism and racism". Available online at: https://www.hs-niederrhein.de/fileadmin/dateien/Institute_und_Kompetenzzentren/SO.CON/Publikati-onen_und_Downloads/BEWARE_Bedrohung_der_zivilgesellschaftlichen_Demokratiearbeit-_Kurzbericht_20240903.pdf

[16] European Parliament. Parliamentary question - P-001894/2025 "EU funding for NGOs - transparency and administrative accountability" 13.05.2025. Available online at: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/P-10-2025-001894_EN.html

[17] https://www.eppgroup.eu/de/newsroom/evp-fraktion-schlaegt-neue-struktur-zur-kontrolle-der-nro-finanzierung-vor

[18] "51 a. Deplores the funding provided in 2023 by the European Parliament to pro-integration activist organisations such as the Young European Federalists and other pro-EU activists; notes with concern that this spending in many cases was intended to get a specific pro-European segment of the electorate (the youth) to go to the polls at the European Elections in 2024" in Amendment 100 (Dick Erixon, Charlie Weimers, Beatrice Timgren). European Parliament Committee on Budgetary Control (2024/2020(DEC)). 05.02.2025. Available online at: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/CONT-AM-768125_EN.docx

[19] See above.

[20] Cf. DBJR, Position "Making the EU's Multiannual Financial Framework youth-friendly". December 2024, available online at: https://www.dbjr.de/artikel/den-mehrjaehrigen-finanzrahmen-der-eu-jugendgerecht-gestalten

[21] In its position "Shaping the EU's multiannual financial framework in a youth-friendly way", the DBJR calls for a tripling of the budget, whereas the European Youth Forum (YFJ) calls for a fivefold increase: https://www.youthforum.org/topics/more-erasmus-more-europe

[22] See DBJR, Position "Celebrating 75 years of the Council of Europe and actively shaping the future of the Council of Europe in the interests of young people". October 2024, available online at: https://www.dbjr.de/fileadmin/Positionen/2024/DBJR_Position_75_Jahre_Europarat_feiern_und_die_Zukunft_des_Europarats_im_Sinne_junger_Menschen_aktiv_gestalten.pdf

Adopted unanimously without abstentions by the Main Committee on 2 December 2025 in Berlin.